Brazil's Workers' Party

The future for socialism?

The press was heavily censored and political meetings and demonstrations were banned. The military dissolved Congress and reconvened it with only two parties, an official government and an official opposition. "The difference," ran a joke at the time, "is that one says Yes and the other, Yes Sir!"

The military rulers took advantage of the worldwide boom and opened the country for business. The "Economic Miracle" from 1964-74 saw very high growth and low inflation. Foreign multinationals were encouraged to invest and take advantage of a cheap labour force with few rights.

This period saw Brazil's cities grow phenomenally as poor rural workers flooded to the city for jobs. By the mid-70s, the state of São Paulo alone had a GNP higher than any other South American country.

But the so-called "Economic Miracle" was a sham. High growth rates could not compensate for the huge migrations to the city, leading to the creation of incredibly poor, underserviced suburbs on the outskirts of all of Brazil's cities called "favelas." The lion's share of the benefits of economic growth went to a small portion of the population while the vast majority suffered.

This period also saw the development of huge socially and environmentally harmful policies such as a nuclear power program, massive hydroelectric projects and the opening up of the Amazon to mining companies and agri-businesses. Needless to say, all of these projects were financed by huge loans from Western banks which are crippling social and economic development to this day.

By the late 1970s, inflation was rising and unemployment was soaring. The military government responded with the "abertura" or opening in which some civil rights were granted and some press freedoms restored.

It was in this context that the "New Unionism" arose. During the dictatorship, a compulsory arbitration and labour court system was established which was clearly weighted in favour of the bosses.

A new generation of worker militants, concentrated in the autoplants and parts industries of São Paulo, decided to directly challenge the government system by striking and bargaining directly with the multinational auto companies.

From 1977 to 1980, industrial workers, organized in illegal unions, undertook a series of militant strikes, including a general strike in 1980, that often spread from the auto plants to neighbouring industries.

In a movement similar to Solidarity in Poland, the sheer social and economic power of the working class forced the military to recognize these new trade unions. The dramatic remergence of organized labour sparked struggles in other areas and gradually the repressive military regime was undermined.

Realizing that the official opposition offered nothing to the working class and dissatisfied with the "armed struggle" strategy of the existing Stalinist and Maoist organizations, the leaders of the new trade unions decided to form a new working-class party. On October 14, 1979 the Workers' Party (PT) was officially launched.

Luis Ignacio da Silva, or Lula, one of the main founders and still leader of the PT, described the party like this:

From the beginning the party stressed that it was both a social movement, mobilizing workers, the poor and their allies to organize and fight for their rights, and a party dedicated to winning seats in the existing power structure.

To counter the mind-boggling corruption of Brazilian political parties, the PT has a strict democratic internal regime based on small "nucleos" or branches at the local level. In addition to trade unionists, its geographic branches organize students, intellectuals, the poor, women's organizations, gay and lesbian groups as well as trade unionists.

The PT calls itself "democratic socialist." It defines socialism as maximizing democracy without a fixed economic plan. Included in this idea is support for majority rule, protection and proportional representation of minorities, nationalization of strategic industries, participatory democracy in the managerial and investment decisions of important industries, decentralizing state authority and encouraging the growth of social and community groups.

As well as organizing the strikes that shook the military regime in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the PT actively intervened in the successful struggle to boot the military out in 1985, mobilizing its members and organizing huge demonstrations across the country for direct elections.

The PT played a crucial role in establishing the militant trade union central, the CUT, in 1983. Although CUT is not directly linked to the PT, the PT exercises a dominant influence in the organization. Many CUT leaders and militants are also PT members.

PT members also actively help build other campaigns PT members are active in struggles against racism, sexism and homophobia. The PT also officially supports the MST, the Movement of Rural Workers Without Land, and other struggles of the poor.

But it is undeniable that the party is largely focused on winning electoral power. Despite some initial setbacks in the early 1980s, the PT has steadily won more and more seats at the municipal, state and federal level.

Lula has run unsuccessfully for President four times but each time he has steadily increased his vote. Brazil's complicated multi-party system allows the parties of the centre and right to form coalitions to defeat the PT. Yet Lula has been the single most popular candidate for President with the consistent support of 25-30% of the electorate.

At the federal level, the PT has a sizable minority of over 56 federal deputies and seven senators. It forms three state governments in Acre, Rio Grande do Sul and Mato Grosso do Sul. At the municipal level, the PT has 187 mayors, including the large cities of São Paulo, Recife, Porto Alegre, Belém and Goiania.

But this experience of moving from opposition on the streets and in the factories to managing cities and state governments is beginning to have an impact on the PT, its politics and its practices. Next issue will examine the experience of the PT in office.