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BY ELLEN CONTRERAS MURPHY
November 1995
It is midday in the rugged hills of Chiapas, but it is difficult to tell whether the dense air is fog, smoke, or clouds. The sun tries to break through now and again, and when it does, one can see the haze is mostly clouds. But there is also the faint smell of burning vegetation. Someone is clearing land nearby in the old way, burning off the scrub and forest vegetation, adding smoke to the already thick atmosphere.
A farmer is walking home to the village of Nuevo Momon for his lunch. The trip up and down paths that snake between the cafetal where his coffee bushes grow and his home, 30 minutes away, take him past scarred mountainsides that attest to the still common practice of slashing the vegetation, burning it in place, and turning it under the soil in hope of a fertilizing effect. He understands why his neighbors still practice this ancient low-input method. But he cannot condone this practice because the fires are largely uncontrollable. They have led to the unintentional destruction of prime forests throughout the region, aggravating soil erosion and habitat loss.
Before lunch, he has already worked several hours in his cafetal, pruning the plants and spreading compost. He has also met with the agronomist from an organization sponsoring a program for the cultivation and marketing of organic coffee, the Uni—n de Ejidos de La Selva (La Selva). The agronomist visits the farmer regularly to discuss his progress and his problems. The farmer was chosen to be the t‚cnico comunitario, or community extentionist, for the organic coffee program by his peers in Nuevo Mom—n. He is being trained in organic techniques for boosting the quantity and quality of coffee production by the agronomist team from La Selva, and is responsible for passing the knowledge on to other members of the group.
The distance he must travel to reach his parcel of land is not as great as for some of his neighbors, but he is glad when he can see the first few rough, wood-and-thatch homes of Nuevo Mom—n. The altitude of the village is approximately 1,300 meters above sea level, which makes this one of Mexico's premium coffee-growing areas.
It is also an isolated region in one of the country's poorest states (see map on page xx). The majority of coffee producers in the area are descendants of its largest ethnic group, the Tojolobales. These small-scale producers live in scattered hamlets lacking the most basic of public services. Some of the communities are accessible (except during the rainy months) via gravel roads and four-wheel drive vehicles; others only by foot on forest paths. One needs only to travel for a few hours in this area to understand how the logistics have made it difficult to organize production and marketing efforts to take advantage of economies of scale.
In this region where so many factors affect the quality and quantity of coffee produced, including what side of the mountain it grows on, La Selva, based in Las Margaritas, Chiapas, is carrying out a program of organic coffee production--that is, helping local families to change from passive to active organic farming. In other areas of Mexico, and much of Latin America, this technological change would likely be less well-received, since the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides is a way of life for all but the poorest farmers. Yet these small-scale farmers have discovered the first advantage they have ever encountered to being poor: not being able to afford chemical inputs in the past could result in obtaining organic certification for their coffee crops in record time since there is no need to wait for chemical residues in the soil to dissipate.
The long-term goal of La Selva and the farmers participating in this program is to take advantage of the lucrative and specialized organic coffee niche in the international market. La Selva's training and technical assistance will enable members to adopt the agricultural methods necessary to increase quality and quantity of yields as well as adding value to their coffee by having it classified as organic. La Selva is administering the program on behalf of the Uni¢n de Productores de Caf‚ de la Frontera Sur (UNCAFESUR), a confederation representing ten small-scale coffee producer organizations from the southernmost part of Mexico, with a combined membership of more than 4,400 families. Many of the families of Nuevo Mom—n, which is one of the largest ejidal*, or communal farm communities in Chiapas, are members of La Selva and participate in the program. Members of two other UNCAFESUR affiliates--Juan Sabines and Maravilla Tenejapan--are also learning the technology from La Selva.
From the beginning, organizers of the program realized that the immense logistical difficulties made it crucial to find a cost-effective method of agricultural extension. The conditions under which producers cultivate their coffee in this area are extremely varied, with altitudes ranging from 400 to 1600 meters and climates ranging from tropical to pine forest canopies--not all of which are optimum for coffee cultivation.
Increasing the indigenous human capital seemed the only way to assure permanent gains in technology. And so, La Selva decided to build on a farmer-to-farmer approach, following the same logic a host of other groups are pursuing throughout Central America (see article on page xx). T‚cnicos chosen by each community would attend centralized training sessions and be responsible for imparting the knowledge acquired to their neighbors. They would learn to terrace their sloping fields to hold topsoils, which would then be built up through organic composting. They would learn when to prune in order to maximize the number of berries on coffee plants, and how to intercrop banana plants and other trees that can provide shade as well as secondary food and cash crops. They would also learn to establish nurseries to develop seedlings including those of the arabica bean--a favorite of the North American coffee consumer. Finally, they would learn better harvesting techniques and about fermentation, drying, storing, and transporting the crop to minimize waste and add value to their production.
A team of eight agronomists would be responsible for making village visits to supervise and monitor the progress of each community in adopting the organic technology. And, with the assistance of the 44 t‚cnicos comunitarios, a detailed file would be maintained for each farmer and parcel in the program, including the number of plants per hectare, the stage of technology adoption, bean variety and classification, and expected yields. All this information was necessary to determine estimated total production in order to enter into agreements with coffee brokers for the eventual sale of the harvest.
Harvested coffee would be transported to the processing plant run by UNCAFESUR, where the beans would be accepted or rejected based on weight and general condition, including aroma. Once accepted, the beans would be sorted by quality, rebagged, and sold to a company for roasting before bringing them to the consumer's table.
As the program got underway, the community tecnicos had to juggle heavy workloads. They had to travel to training meetings for stretches of time and instruct others when they returned, without neglecting their own fields and family responsibilities. Reimbursement was limited to direct expenses and to a small allowance for the time lost from their own farming on the community's behalf.
Most of the community t‚cnicos think that the methods are good. The techniques speak for themselves, and that makes the work less difficult since convincing farmers to give them a try is half the battle. Of course, the work is not as easy as they would lead one to believe, especially in older communities where more diverse aggregations of people reside.
The Inter-American Foundation (IAF) entered into a grant agreement with La Selva to support these activities in January 1992. La Selva designed the project for a three-year period, with funding for the final two years contingent upon the progress made annually. The grant had two main objectives: to improve the lives and incomes of participants by improving the quality and production of coffee in a manner that would contribute to the conservation of natural resources, and to strengthen the organizational base of the participating groups. The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation joined the IAF in supporting La Selva by providing funds for the development of a quality control program. This included the purchase and use of an electronic coffee-bean sorter, the installation of a tasting laboratory, and personnel training.
The IAF was also attracted to La Selva's plan for a number of other reasons. First, although the IAF has funded numerous projects for small-scale coffee producers throughout Latin America, many in similar environmentally fragile areas, the leadership of La Selva had the vision to not only consider the potential to increase the productivity of each farmer, but also to thoroughly investigate the feasibility of marketing. La Selva had reached an agreement with the Dutch coffee-broker organization Max Haavelar, which works through the European solidarity markets. Max Haavelar considered the La Selva venture so promising that they had agreed to temporarily offer the farmers a small financial incentive per kilo of coffee grown under organic farming conditions during the first three years of operation. Technically sound productive models for economic development have often foundered from inability to market the expanded output. La Selva's approach promised insights about both ends of this often unsolvable equation, and if successful, would yield valuable lessons for others in the same predicament in the region and beyond.
Second, La Selva's plan pursued both economic and environmental gains. The area of program operations is adjacent to the Reserva Integral de la Bi—sfera Montes Azules. Land brought under active organic cultivation could enhance conditions in that buffer zone. The benefits would be even greater if active organic technology became a model for other crops in the region, including milpa production--that is, subsistence crops like beans and corn.
Finally, as an organization builder, the Foundation was interested in La Selva, per se. Its connections within the region as part of a wider web of organizations magnified the opportunity for replicability of the model and transference of the technology far beyond the original group of participants.
The grant provided funds for phasing in implementation of project activities. Plans were made to bring 1,000 hectares of cafetales under active organic farming methods. The availability of human resources necessary to begin active organic farming led to the following schedule: 200 hectares would be incorporated during the first year, 300 the second year, and 500 more during the final year. Roughly 1,000 farmers would participate, in corresponding numbers each year. The schedule would gradually build up capacity of the training program and maximize potential for spreading the technology from neighbor to neighbor.
Early in the grant period, the membership agreed to work with the Foundation on a Special Tracking Study designed to evaluate the impact of grant funds on the communities participating in the program. La Selva members were interested in finding out how well the organic coffee program was working and agreed that the research methodology offered them ongoing feedback regarding effectiveness of training.
The Foundation undertakes such efforts to learn more about socioeconomic changes that may occur in relation to project activities it funds that are representative of the portfolio or that are of special interest. The data generated by studies are analyzed in conjunction with other sources of information. In this case, they include contextual analyses--macro analyses of the coffee market, the political situation, and other factors--and the grantee's own programmatic reports, to determine how the Foundation's support affects the organic farming model, the transference of technology, and replicability.
Although the techniques utilized in Special Tracking Studies vary by project and grant, the studies follow the same basic format: application of baseline and post-project questionnaires, and intensive monitoring throughout the life of the grant, usually through focus groups. La Selva was selected for in-depth study for three reasons: because its experience could prove directly relevant to the other coffee production projects supported by the Foundation; because it was an opportunity to enhance technical assistance and feedback for the program participants through the focus groups; and, because it provided an opportunity to document this development model and its potential for sustainability. Shortly after the beginning of the grant period, 182 of the initial 220 participants were interviewed to establish a baseline of information. The questionnaire was also administered to 174 nonparticipants in order to establish a control group for comparison of program effects. The baseline data revealed the following profile of participants and nonparticipants:
The baseline data provided much more information, most of which will be more illuminating when the project follow-up data is collected for comparison, approximately six months to one year after the grant terminates. These preliminary highlights suggest, however, that at least one development theory may be supported by the study: People interested in testing new technologies are those more able to afford to take risks and wait for long-term benefits.Throughout the life of the grant, monitoring visits utilizing focus groups have been scheduled to provide updates on all relevant and emerging issues and to supplement the data collected through the questionnaire mechanism. Visits take place as soon as possible after each harvest, and coincide with regular association meetings or training events in order to minimize hardship for program participants.
The focus group methodology brings together small groups of individuals for in-depth discussions on topics of interest. These include the effects of training and the transference of technology, as well as other topics raised by the participants. This method maximizes learning opportunities because it allows farmers to take time out and reflect upon what they have achieved and what remains to be done. The exchanges of experience tend to build solidarity among those who participate in the program. Speaking frankly in open forum gives them confidence and the assurance that they are not alone.
During the April 1993 monitoring visit, nearly 100 small-scale coffee producers representing 11 communities participated. A total of nine focus groups were conducted in four key and centrally located communities.
Over and over again, the consensus conveyed to the research team was one of satisfaction with the adoption of organic methods. The farmers were most articulate, especially through their graphic representations of the change each had experienced. Farmers no longer felt they were at the mercy of the elements, and no longer had to let each coffee plant dictate its production levels. Farmers felt they were crucial to the performance of their coffee plants--and were beginning to feel more in control of their production.
All had memories of how small-scale producers who could not afford agrochemical inputs and who lacked the knowledge to intensively improve their crop were not even considered to be coffee farmers, but were dismissively categorized as coffee "gatherers." The adoption of organic methods had given these farmers some semblance of control over their existence and renewed their bond with the land.
Many farmers brought up the hardships incurred, particularly the way labor intensive terracing overlapped with preparation of the milpa. Those days were all but forgotten when the coffee plants responded dramatically to the new methods. The initial high level of interest in the program was soon tempered by the hard work involved in balancing the demands of milpa and cash crop cultivation.
To some extent, La Selva had anticipated this. And the onerous labor that must be invested early in the transition from passive to active organic farming did cause a number of participants to drop out. What had not been anticipated, however, was that drop-outs would so quickly queue up to rejoin once they witnessed the improved coffee plants. And others who had stood by skeptically all along, now wished to join. The additional income that came with the sale of the first harvest was, of course, also a factor. Even the derision of nonparticipants toward participants for their scavenging of manure has abated.
With the assistance of the focus group leaders, farmers put the new demands of organic coffee production into clearer focus (see figures x and x). It was not simply a question of added work hours, but how those hours conflicted with milpa production throughout the year that was crucial. Many small farmers have had to hire day laborers for the first time to help juggle work on the cafetal with work on the milpa. To some extent, this was offset when the extra labor could be absorbed by older children in the family, thereby adding to the family income. It also gave a small short-term boost to employment in a region where rural jobs are scarce.
The farmers also began to realize that the enormous effort involved in building terraces is a one-time event, with only maintenance required thereafter. And for each additional hectare that they now choose to bring under active organic cultivation, they know the effort that will be required and can plan how to integrate it better into their work cycles.
Undertaking this new technology was expected to be tough for other reasons as well, and the farmers attested to just how demanding it was to persevere despite social pressure to maintain the status quo. There is risk in undertaking any new technology by farmers living along the margins, and indifference as well as open hostility from nonparticipants is not uncommon in rural development projects, especially in isolated communities such as these. But the careful thought that each farmer demonstrated while assessing costs versus gains--both social and economic--testifies to their determination to proceed based on firm evidence rather than popular opinion.
Almost all the focus group participants had given great consideration to the potential for increased incomes through increased productivity and organic certification. And surprisingly, the majority had developed a long-term vision. They recognized short-term earnings were important, but were willing to make sacrifices to gain an assured market and, if possible, long-range price stability. Of course, the prospect of just breaking even for some time to come was less daunting if it also meant that the additional labor requirements would create new opportunities for the eldest son to avoid migrating in search of work.
Farmers and their wives also discussed how the additional activities under the new system are affecting the organization of labor within the family. For example, because the technology is so demanding in its initial stages, with the terracing and composting happening almost simultaneously, women and even young children are enlisted in the work. The new tasks are added to the women's already burdened dawn to dusk life--the corn must still be ground, tortillas and meals prepared, and water and firewood gathered. No easy solutions were found, but the topic was opened for discussion. Changes in family labor distribution may well have important implications in the future and will be closely followed.
While the first monitoring visit revealed great optimism in the progress made, the second visit, in June 1994, was much more subdued. Focus groups were again convened, but due to the political turmoil that had begun in Chiapas the previous January, it was not possible to meet with as many farmers from as many communities. Only seven communities were able to send representatives to meet with the research team in 11 very small focus groups.
The good news is that initial findings suggest that farmers in the program have mastered the organic technology, and their progress in intensifying cultivation of coffee is more than satisfactory. The transfer of technology from trained agronomists to t‚cnicos to community members seems on track. La Selva's organic coffee had been marketed successfully for the first time. Even more important, however, was achieving organic certification from NATURLAND of Germany for 500 hectares of the 1993-1994 harvest, practically all of the land brought under intensive cultivation during the previous two years. Another certification process was now under way with the U.S.-based Organic Crop Improvement Association.
There was also bad news, however. Although an excellent coffee crop had been cultivated and produced, the anticipated volume did not reach the warehouse because of the turmoil in the state. More than a few program participants found it necessary to flee their homes and cafetales during the peak of harvest. Estimates vary, but at least half the crop was lost. Many families have yet to return. It was also learned that although the number of participants in the program remains stable at approximately 978 farmers, the hectarage under organic cultivation has decreased slightly from the total at the end of 1993. The bulk of participants are new to the program since La Selva has had to expand its work zone to new communities, since many of the communities originally involved are cut off due to continued conflict in the area. This, too, has important implications for the future. Instead of winding down efforts as the grant period comes to a close, La Selva must continue to aggressively promote and train these new members in organic technology if it is to meet certification standards on a swift and timely basis.
La Selva has managed to find the niche in the international coffee market it has been seeking. Ironically, while nearly half the 1993-94 harvest was lost, marketing efforts have exceeded all expectations. The organization managed to sell its organic harvest to buyers in Holland, Germany, and the United States. Three North American companies--Aztec Harvests, Ben & Jerry's, and United Airlines--feature coffee grown by farmers participating in La Selva's program. La Selva has raised the taste and quality of its blend to a new standard that justifies its own appellation--wholesalers now refer to it as "Las Margaritas."
The success of La Selva's strategy has not gone unnoticed, however, by the owners of large coffee plantations and other small farmers in the region. Even if the specialized market niche for organic coffee is not saturated overnight, will it be large enough in the long-term to absorb even modest replication of the La Selva model by other small producers throughout Central America?
So far, the drawbacks to the model have been manageable. The difficulties of obtaining certification and access to start-up capital have given La Selva a window of opportunity. New strains of coffee more appealing to consumer palettes around the world are gradually being introduced. As yields rise, La Selva'a coffee can still earn good returns in the generic market because organic input costs are low.
As Jim Adriance argues earlier in this issue of Grassroots Development, the push for organic agriculture by small farmers is input- as well as market-driven. That is, the low out-of-pocket expenses make it attractive to farmers trying to intensify yields. In the case of coffee, the input side has seemed less important because the generic market has been depressed since 1989 when the International Coffee Organization deregulated prices. But markets are fickle, as the recent spike in coffee prices following frosts that destroyed a large share of the Brazilian crop demonstrated. Unfortunately, most of La Selva's farmers did not benefit from this particular fluctuation because they had sold their harvest long before, based on prevailing prices at the time of contract. Finding the proper mix of organic versus nonorganic outlets is still hypothetical at this stage anyway, but it is an area that may develop as managers gain market expertise.
Eventually, however, the question of higher short-term income must be addressed. Focus groups reveal that farmers are cautiously delighted to be at the threshold of experiencing more than just the aroma of success, but they have also begun to take a closer look at the increased out-of-pocket expenses that occur. It is much less expensive than green revolution technologies, but it costs more than doing nothing. Production is up, but as chart x indicates, costs are higher than for traditional coffee cultivation while net revenues are not yet growing. In fragile economies, low-income populations do not have the luxury of planning for long-term sustainability forever, and the pressure to consume tomorrow's resource base to survive today grows steadily.
Theoretically, this program has the potential to meet that challenge by significantly changing agricultural production while greatly enhancing conservation of natural resources in the region. To begin with, the program is based on voluntary participation, which helps explain the high degree of commitment to the program. The transformation to organic farming is occurring farmer by farmer with great success.
Second, each farmer's expectation of increased income depends solely upon his family's efforts rather than government price supports, which are contracting in the wake of international trade agreements. Since organic farming requires a more intensive use of family labor, it should help absorb labor. If the unemployed can be remunerated and their consumption can be accommodated by the market with increased production of coffee, the need to extend cultivated areas should be reduced. This in turn, should reduce the rate of deforestation.
Third, La Selva's organic farming methods have raised coffee yields, and farmers have begun to talk about applying those techniques to milpa crops--corn and beans. If this catches on, it would decrease the need for obligatory rotation of parcels and reduce the need for destructive slash and burn.
It is true that the apparent success to date of organic technology transference in this program is primarily due to favorable local conditions--arable land, surplus labor, and a cash crop already in place that could be intensified without resort to expensive chemical fertilizers and pesticides, and the luck of finding an untapped market. But the success can also be attributed to the soundness of the organic approach to farming within which preservation of natural resources is inherent. It helps that the technology introduced is relatively simple, though arduous, and that results have been visible within a fairly short time.
Whether or not the model will be economically viable and environmentally sustainable will remain unknown until several years after the present phase of project activities ends. The primary impediments to the program thus far have not been with the technical side of the model but stem from the political uncertainty in the region. And it should be remembered that agriculture is ever at the mercy of the elements, and coffee production is subject to the equally temperamental international markets. Organizations and groups seeking to emulate this program would be wise to look beyond coffee as a panacea. The utility of the model may ultimately depend on exploring the market to see if other alternatives for organic cash-cropping exist or can be developed. As for La Selva itself, many questions are yet to be answered. As members understand how markets work, will they continue to upgrade production and yields to become more competitive and raise the quality of more of their output to premium grades? Will La Selva be able to compete in the traditional coffee market? What will happen if the rebellion of 1994 is protracted to affect several more harvests? Will La Selva be able to fulfill commitments to buyers? Will members be able to maintain the family resource base? Will they be able to hold on to their land?
These are some of the contextual variables that are in play. Finding a sustainable balance will depend not only on the technology available but on the continued development of La Selva's human and organizational capital. Thus far it has met the challenge hands down. La Selva is on an accelerated learning curve and has developed sufficient contacts and experience in the market to considerably reduce the risks of cultivating organic coffee. What they need now is the luxury of time to step back and consider the options available to them as they navigate the conflicting crosswinds of markets and the political turmoil in the area.
The Foundation and La Selva recently decided to expand the program area to zones not affected by the conflict and to extend the organic technology program to more participants. The grant amendment is for an additional year, with the appropriate additional support necessary. During the interim, it is hoped that the negotiations for a settlement to the political situation will bring peaceful resolution and that these small-scale coffee producers can resume their lives.
The Special Tracking Study will continue to monitor the progress of this program, with a final report scheduled for 1996. The Inter-American Foundation will share the lessons learned not only with all the players in this unfolding drama, but to other donors and organizations with an interest in sustainable development.
Reprinted with permission from Grassroots Development, 19/1 1995. The author, Ellen Contreras Murphy holds a B.A. in psychology and a Master's degree in public health from the University of Michigan. She is the special studies officer in the Inter-American Foundation's Office of Learning and Dissemination.
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